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    Mau-Mau ist ein Kartenspiel für zwei und mehr Spieler, bei dem es darum geht, seine Karten möglichst schnell abzulegen. Die Namen und Regeln sind regional leicht unterschiedlich. Das Spiel ist vor allem in Deutschland, Österreich, Südtirol und. Mau-Mau ist ein Kartenspiel für zwei und mehr Spieler, bei dem es darum geht, seine Karten möglichst schnell abzulegen. Die Namen und Regeln sind regional​. Es ist ein klassisches Auslegespiel, das heißt wer zuerst alle Karten ablegen kann gewinnt. Übersicht: Regeln; Spielanleitung; Blatt; Spickzettel; International. Mau. Gratis Mau Mau online spielen ✓ werbefrei ✓ Im Browser oder per App ✓ 3D Umgebung mit einzigartiger Community ✓ Jetzt kostenlos Skat spielen ➜ HIER. To make matters even worse, native Kenyan workers were poorly served by colonial labour-legislation and a prejudiced legal-system. Somat Geschirrspülpulver Mau Mau War in Perspective. Carter, Morris; et al. Adekson, J. Did Mau Mau aim at freedom for all Kenyans? A newcomer who refused to take the oath often faced the same fate as a recalcitrant outside the camps: Kartenspiel As were murdered. In Atieno-Odhiambo; Lonsdale eds. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Basically you could get away with murder. Journal of African Economies. By earlytens of thousands of head of livestock had been taken, and were allegedly never returned. Archived from the original pdf on 9 October Some Wetten Prognose Mau members insisted that they should get land and be absorbed into the civil service and Kenya army. The screening teams whipped, shot, burned and mutilated Mau Mau suspects, ostensibly to gather intelligence for military operations and as court evidence.

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    Mau Mau Mau The Mau Mau Uprising (–), also known as the Mau Mau Rebellion, the Kenya Emergency, and the Mau Mau Revolt, was a war in the British Kenya Colony (–) between the Kenya Land and Freedom Army (KLFA), also known as Mau Mau, and the British authorities. Mau Mau is an Italian band from Turin, formed in by Luca Morino (vocals and guitar), Fabio Barovero and Cameroonian Tatè Nsongan (). Born from the ashes of the underground cult group Loschi Dezi, the band draws its influences from world music, especially Mediterranean, African, Arabic and Latin traditions. Welcome to Mau A Mau. We appreciate you for visiting our online retail store. Our purpose is to fundraise for causes that are making a meaningful difference. Every product sold at Mau A Mau generates money for Save Our Sherwoods (S.O.S). Mau Mau, militant African nationalist movement that originated in the s among the Kikuyu people of udodistrictleaders.com Mau Mau (origin of the name is uncertain) advocated violent resistance to British domination in Kenya; the movement was especially associated with the ritual oaths employed by leaders of the Kikuyu Central Association to promote unity in the independence movement. Mau-mau definition, to terrorize, intimidate, or threaten. See more.
    Mau Mau Mau noun, plural Mau Maus, (especially collectively) Mau Mau. a member of a revolutionary society in Kenya, established in the early s, that consisted chiefly of Kikuyu and engaged in terrorist activities in an . Pagine ufficiali del gruppo, offrono notizie sui musicisti, sui concerti in programma e gallerie di immagini. Informazioni e curiosità di vario genere. Our purpose is to fundraise for causes that are making a meaningful difference. Every product sold at Mau A Mau generates money for Save Our Sherwoods (S.O.S). Our hope is for you to find valuable products that also provide value to an organization that is working for something that you believe in.
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    Mau Mau Article Additional Info. Print Cite. Facebook Twitter. Give Feedback External Websites. Let us know if you have suggestions to improve this article requires login.

    External Websites. Articles from Britannica Encyclopedias for elementary and high school students. After the Lari massacre, for example, British planes dropped leaflets showing graphic pictures of the Kikuyu women and children who had been hacked to death.

    Unlike the rather indiscriminate activities of British ground forces, the use of air power was more restrained though there is disagreement [] on this point , and air attacks were initially permitted only in the forests.

    Operation Mushroom extended bombing beyond the forest limits in May , and Churchill consented to its continuation in January Baring knew the massive deportations to the already-overcrowded reserves could only make things worse.

    Refusing to give more land to the Kikuyu in the reserves, which could have been seen as a concession to Mau Mau, Baring turned instead in to Roger Swynnerton, Kenya's assistant director of agriculture.

    The projected costs of the Swynnerton Plan were too high for the cash-strapped colonial government, so Baring tweaked repatriation and augmented the Swynnerton Plan with plans for a massive expansion of the Pipeline coupled with a system of work camps to make use of detainee labour.

    All Kikuyu employed for public works projects would now be employed on Swynnerton's poor-relief programmes, as would many detainees in the work camps.

    When the mass deportations of Kikuyu to the reserves began in , Baring and Erskine ordered all Mau Mau suspects to be screened. Of the scores of screening camps which sprang up, only fifteen were officially sanctioned by the colonial government.

    Larger detention camps were divided into compounds. The screening centres were staffed by settlers who had been appointed temporary district-officers by Baring.

    Thomas Askwith, the official tasked with designing the British 'detention and rehabilitation' programme during the summer and autumn of , termed his system the Pipeline.

    The Pipeline operated a white-grey-black classification system: 'whites' were cooperative detainees, and were repatriated back to the reserves; 'greys' had been oathed but were reasonably compliant, and were moved down the Pipeline to works camps in their local districts before release; and 'blacks' were the so-called 'hard core' of Mau Mau.

    These were moved up the Pipeline to special detention camps. Thus a detainee's position in Pipeline was a straightforward reflection of how cooperative the Pipeline personnel deemed her or him to be.

    Cooperation was itself defined in terms of a detainee's readiness to confess their Mau Mau oath. Detainees were screened and re-screened for confessions and intelligence, then re-classified accordingly.

    A detainee's journey between two locations along the Pipeline could sometimes last days. During transit, there was frequently little or no food and water provided, and seldom any sanitation.

    Once in camp, talking was forbidden outside the detainees' accommodation huts, though improvised communication was rife.

    Such communication included propaganda and disinformation, which went by such names as the Kinongo Times , designed to encourage fellow detainees not to give up hope and so to minimise the number of those who confessed their oath and cooperated with camp authorities.

    Forced labour was performed by detainees on projects like the thirty-seven-mile-long South Yatta irrigation furrow. During the first year after Operation Anvil, colonial authorities had little success in forcing detainees to cooperate.

    Camps and compounds were overcrowded, forced-labour systems were not yet perfected, screening teams were not fully coordinated, and the use of torture was not yet systematised.

    Officials could scarcely process them all, let alone get them to confess their oaths. Assessing the situation in the summer of , Alan Lennox-Boyd wrote of his "fear that the net figure of detainees may still be rising.

    If so the outlook is grim. It was possible for detainees to bribe guards in order to obtain items or stay punishment.

    By late , however, the Pipeline had become a fully operational, well-organised system. Guards were regularly shifted around the Pipeline too in order to prevent relationships developing with detainees and so undercut the black markets, and inducements and punishments became better at discouraging fraternising with the enemy.

    Most detainees confessed, and the system produced ever greater numbers of spies and informers within the camps, while others switched sides in a more open, official fashion, leaving detention behind to take an active role in interrogations, even sometimes administering beatings.

    The most famous example of side-switching was Peter Muigai Kenyatta—Jomo Kenyatta's son—who, after confessing, joined screeners at Athi River Camp, later travelling throughout the Pipeline to assist in interrogations.

    While oathing, for practical reasons, within the Pipeline was reduced to an absolute minimum, as many new initiates as possible were oathed.

    A newcomer who refused to take the oath often faced the same fate as a recalcitrant outside the camps: they were murdered. Commandants were told to clamp down hard on intra-camp oathing, with several commandants hanging anyone suspected of administering oaths.

    Even as the Pipeline became more sophisticated, detainees still organised themselves within it, setting up committees and selecting leaders for their camps, as well as deciding on their own "rules to live by".

    Perhaps the most famous compound leader was Josiah Mwangi Kariuki. Punishments for violating the "rules to live by" could be severe.

    European missionaries and native Kenyan Christians played their part by visiting camps to evangelise and encourage compliance with the colonial authorities, providing intelligence, and sometimes even assisting in interrogation.

    Detainees regarded such preachers with nothing but contempt. The lack of decent sanitation in the camps meant that epidemics of diseases such as typhoid swept through them.

    Official medical reports detailing the shortcomings of the camps and their recommendations were ignored, and the conditions being endured by detainees were lied about and denied.

    While the Pipeline was primarily designed for adult males, a few thousand women and young girls were detained at an all-women camp at Kamiti, as well as a number of unaccompanied young children.

    Dozens of babies [] were born to women in captivity: "We really do need these cloths for the children as it is impossible to keep them clean and tidy while dressed on dirty pieces of sacking and blanket", wrote one colonial officer.

    There were originally two types of works camps envisioned by Baring: the first type were based in Kikuyu districts with the stated purpose of achieving the Swynnerton Plan; the second were punitive camps, designed for the 30, Mau Mau suspects who were deemed unfit to return to the reserves.

    These forced-labour camps provided a much needed source of labour to continue the colony's infrastructure development. Colonial officers also saw the second sort of works camps as a way of ensuring that any confession was legitimate and as a final opportunity to extract intelligence.

    Probably the worst works camp to have been sent to was the one run out of Embakasi Prison, for Embakasi was responsible for the Embakasi Airport , the construction of which was demanded to be finished before the Emergency came to an end.

    The airport was a massive project with an unquenchable thirst for labour, and the time pressures ensured the detainees' forced labour was especially hard.

    If military operations in the forests and Operation Anvil were the first two phases of Mau Mau's defeat, Erskine expressed the need and his desire for a third and final phase: cut off all the militants' support in the reserves.

    So it was that in June , the War Council took the decision to undertake a full-scale forced-resettlement programme of Kiambu, Nyeri, Murang'a and Embu Districts to cut off Mau Mau's supply lines.

    While some of these villages were to protect loyalist Kikuyu, "most were little more than concentration camps to punish Mau Mau sympathizers.

    He noted, however, that the British should have "no illusions about the future. Mau Mau has not been cured: it has been suppressed.

    The thousands who have spent a long time in detention must have been embittered by it. Nationalism is still a very potent force and the African will pursue his aim by other means.

    Kenya is in for a very tricky political future. The government's public relations officer, Granville Roberts, presented villagisation as a good opportunity for rehabilitation, particularly of women and children, but it was, in fact, first and foremost designed to break Mau Mau and protect loyalist Kikuyu, a fact reflected in the extremely limited resources made available to the Rehabilitation and Community Development Department.

    The villages were surrounded by deep, spike-bottomed trenches and barbed wire, and the villagers themselves were watched over by members of the Home Guard, often neighbours and relatives.

    In short, rewards or collective punishments such as curfews could be served much more readily after villagisation, and this quickly broke Mau Mau's passive wing.

    The Red Cross helped mitigate the food shortages, but even they were told to prioritise loyalist areas. One of the colony's ministers blamed the "bad spots" in Central Province on the mothers of the children for "not realis[ing] the great importance of proteins", and one former missionary reported that it "was terribly pitiful how many of the children and the older Kikuyu were dying.

    They were so emaciated and so very susceptible to any kind of disease that came along". The lack of food did not just affect the children, of course.

    The Overseas Branch of the British Red Cross commented on the "women who, from progressive undernourishment, had been unable to carry on with their work".

    Disease prevention was not helped by the colony's policy of returning sick detainees to receive treatment in the reserves, [] though the reserves' medical services were virtually non-existent, as Baring himself noted after a tour of some villages in June Kenyans were granted nearly [] all of the demands made by the KAU in The offer was that they would not face prosecution for previous offences, but may still be detained.

    European settlers were appalled at the leniency of the offer. On 10 June with no response forthcoming, the offer of amnesty to the Mau Mau was revoked.

    In June , a programme of land reform increased the land holdings of the Kikuyu. This was coupled with a relaxation of the ban on native Kenyans growing coffee, a primary cash crop.

    In the cities the colonial authorities decided to dispel tensions by raising urban wages, thereby strengthening the hand of moderate union organisations like the KFRTU.

    By , the British had granted direct election of native Kenyan members of the Legislative Assembly, followed shortly thereafter by an increase in the number of local seats to fourteen.

    A Parliamentary conference in January indicated that the British would accept "one person—one vote" majority rule. The number of deaths attributable to the Emergency is disputed.

    David Anderson estimates 25, [18] people died; British demographer John Blacker's estimate is 50, deaths—half of them children aged ten or below.

    He attributes this death toll mostly to increased malnutrition, starvation and disease from wartime conditions. Caroline Elkins says "tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands" died.

    His study dealt directly with Elkins' claim that "somewhere between , and , Kikuyu are unaccounted for" at the census, [] and was read by both David Anderson and John Lonsdale prior to publication.

    The British possibly killed more than 20, Mau Mau militants, [4] but in some ways more notable is the smaller number of Mau Mau suspects dealt with by capital punishment: by the end of the Emergency, the total was 1, At no other time or place in the British empire was capital punishment dispensed so liberally—the total is more than double the number executed by the French in Algeria.

    Author Wangari Maathai indicates that more than one hundred thousand Africans, mostly Kikuyus, may have died in the fortified villages. Officially 1, Native Kenyans were killed by the Mau Mau.

    David Anderson believes this to be an undercount and cites a higher figure of 5, killed by the Mau Mau.

    War crimes have been broadly defined by the Nuremberg principles as "violations of the laws or customs of war ", which includes massacres , bombings of civilian targets, terrorism , mutilation , torture , and murder of detainees and prisoners of war.

    Additional common crimes include theft , arson , and the destruction of property not warranted by military necessity.

    David Anderson's says the rebellion was "a story of atrocity and excess on both sides, a dirty war from which no one emerged with much pride, and certainly no glory".

    One settler's description of British interrogation. The British authorities suspended civil liberties in Kenya.

    Many Kikuyu were forced to move. Between , and , of them were interned. Most of the rest — more than a million — were held in "enclosed villages" also known as concentration camps.

    Although some were Mau Mau guerrillas, most were victims of collective punishment that colonial authorities imposed on large areas of the country.

    Hundreds of thousands were beaten or sexually assaulted to extract information about the Mau Mau threat. Later, prisoners suffered even worse mistreatment in an attempt to force them to renounce their allegiance to the insurgency and to obey commands.

    Prisoners were questioned with the help of "slicing off ears, boring holes in eardrums, flogging until death, pouring paraffin over suspects who were then set alight, and burning eardrums with lit cigarettes".

    Castration by British troops and denying access to medical aid to the detainees were also widespread and common. According to his widow, British soldiers forced pins into his fingernails and buttocks and squeezed his testicles between metal rods and two others were castrated.

    The historian Robert Edgerton describes the methods used during the emergency: "If a question was not answered to the interrogator's satisfaction, the subject was beaten and kicked.

    If that did not lead to the desired confession, and it rarely did, more force was applied. Electric shock was widely used, and so was fire.

    Women were choked and held under water; gun barrels, beer bottles, and even knives were thrust into their vaginas. Men had beer bottles thrust up their rectums, were dragged behind Land Rovers, whipped, burned and bayoneted Some police officers did not bother with more time-consuming forms of torture; they simply shot any suspect who refused to answer, then told the next suspect, to dig his own grave.

    When the grave was finished, the man was asked if he would now be willing to talk. In June , Eric Griffith-Jones , the attorney general of the British administration in Kenya, wrote to the Governor , Sir Evelyn Baring , detailing the way the regime of abuse at the colony's detention camps was being subtly altered.

    He said that the mistreatment of the detainees is "distressingly reminiscent of conditions in Nazi Germany or Communist Russia ". Despite this, he said that in order for abuse to remain legal, Mau Mau suspects must be beaten mainly on their upper body, "vulnerable parts of the body should not be struck, particularly the spleen, liver or kidneys", and it was important that "those who administer violence He also reminded the governor that "If we are going to sin", he wrote, "we must sin quietly.

    Author Wangari Maathai indicates that in , three out of every four Kikuyu men were in detention, and that land was taken from detainees and given to collaborators.

    Detainees were pushed into forced labor. Maathai also notes that the Home Guard were especially known to rape women. The Home Guard's reputation for cruelty in the form of terror and intimidation was well known, whereas the Mau Mau soldiers were initially respectful of women.

    Members of the 5th KAR B Company entered the Chuka area on 13 June , to flush out rebels suspected of hiding in the nearby forests.

    Over the next few days, the regiment had captured and executed 20 people suspected of being Mau Mau fighters for unknown reasons.

    The people executed belonged to the Kikuyu Home Guard — a loyalist militia recruited by the British to fight the guerrillas. Nobody ever stood trial for the massacre.

    The Hola massacre was an incident during the conflict in Kenya against British colonial rule at a colonial detention camp in Hola, Kenya.

    By January , the camp had a population of detainees, of whom were held in a secluded "closed camp". This more remote camp near Garissa , eastern Kenya, was reserved for the most uncooperative of the detainees.

    They often refused, even when threats of force were made, to join in the colonial "rehabilitation process" or perform manual labour or obey colonial orders.

    The camp commandant outlined a plan that would force 88 of the detainees to bend to work. On 3 March , the camp commandant put this plan into action — as a result, 11 detainees were clubbed to death by guards.

    Mau Mau militants were guilty of numerous war crimes. The most notorious was their attack on the settlement of Lari , on the night of 25—26 March , in which they herded men, women and children into huts and set fire to them, hacking down with machetes anyone who attempted escape, before throwing them back into the burning huts.

    If I see one now I shall shoot with the greatest eagerness ' ", [] and it "even shocked many Mau Mau supporters, some of whom would subsequently try to excuse the attack as 'a mistake ' ".

    A retaliatory massacre was immediately perpetrated by Kenyan security forces who were partially overseen by British commanders. Official estimates place the death toll from the first Lari massacre at 74, and the second at , though neither of these figures account for those who 'disappeared'.

    Whatever the actual number of victims, "[t]he grim truth was that, for every person who died in Lari's first massacre, at least two more were killed in retaliation in the second.

    Aside from the Lari massacres, Kikuyu were also tortured, mutilated and murdered by Mau Mau on many other occasions.

    The best known European victim was Michael Ruck, aged six, who was hacked to death with pangas along with his parents, Roger and Esme, and one of the Rucks' farm workers, Muthura Nagahu, who had tried to help the family.

    In , the poisonous latex of the African milk bush was used by members of Mau Mau to kill cattle in an incident of biological warfare.

    Although Mau Mau was effectively crushed by the end of , it was not until the First Lancaster House Conference , in January , that native Kenyan majority rule was established and the period of colonial transition to independence initiated.

    There is continuing debate about Mau Mau's and the rebellion's effects on decolonisation and on Kenya after independence. Regarding decolonisation, the most common view is that Kenya's independence came about as a result of the British government's deciding that a continuance of colonial rule would entail a greater use of force than that which the British public would tolerate.

    It has been argued that the conflict helped set the stage for Kenyan independence in December , [] or at least secured the prospect of Black-majority rule once the British left.

    On the 12th of December , President Kenyatta issued an amnesty to Mau Mau fighters to surrender to the government. Some Mau Mau members insisted that they should get land and be absorbed into the civil service and Kenya army.

    These leaders and several Mau Mau fighters were killed. On the 14th of January , the Minister for Defence Dr Njoroge Mungai was quoted in the Daily Nation saying: "They are now outlaws, who will be pursued and brought to punishment.

    They must be outlawed as well in the minds of all the people of Kenya. On 12 September , the British government unveiled a Mau Mau memorial statue in Nairobi's Uhuru Park that it had funded "as a symbol of reconciliation between the British government, the Mau Mau, and all those who suffered".

    This followed a June decision by Britain to compensate more than 5, Kenyans it tortured and abused during the Mau Mau insurgency. Once the ban was removed, former Mau Mau members who had been castrated or otherwise tortured were supported by the Kenya Human Rights Commission, in particular by the commission's George Morara, in their attempt to take on the British government; [] [] their lawyers had amassed 6, depositions regarding human rights abuses by late Ben Macintyre of The Times said of the legal case: "Opponents of these proceedings have pointed out, rightly, that the Mau Mau was a brutal terrorist force, guilty of the most dreadful atrocities.

    Yet only one of the claimants is of that stamp—Mr Nzili. He has admitted taking the Mau Mau oath and said that all he did was to ferry food to the fighters in the forest.

    None has been accused, let alone convicted, of any crime. Upon publication of Caroline Elkins' Imperial Reckoning in , Kenya called for an apology from the UK for atrocities committed during the s.

    In July , "George Morara strode down the corridor and into a crowded little room [in Nairobi] where 30 elderly Kenyans sat hunched together around a table clutching cups of hot tea and sharing plates of biscuits.

    It may well be thought strange, or perhaps even dishonourable, that a legal system which will not in any circumstances admit into its proceedings evidence obtained by torture should yet refuse to entertain a claim against the Government in its own jurisdiction for that Government's allegedly negligent failure to prevent torture which it had the means to prevent.

    Furthermore, resort to technicality. Though the arguments against reopening very old wounds are seductive, they fail morally.

    There are living claimants and it most certainly was not their fault that the documentary evidence that seems to support their claims was for so long 'lost' in the governmental filing system.

    During the course of the Mau Mau legal battle in London, a large amount of what was stated to be formerly lost Foreign Office archival material was finally brought to light, while yet more was discovered to be missing.

    Regarding the Mau Mau Uprising, the records included confirmation of "the extent of the violence inflicted on suspected Mau Mau rebels" [] in British detention camps documented in Caroline Elkins' study.

    Commenting on the papers, David Anderson stated that the "documents were hidden away to protect the guilty", [] and "that the extent of abuse now being revealed is truly disturbing".

    Allegations about beatings and violence were widespread. Basically you could get away with murder. It was systematic", Anderson said.

    Bennett said that "the British Army retained ultimate operational control over all security forces throughout the Emergency", and that its military intelligence operation worked "hand in glove" with the Kenyan Special Branch "including in screening and interrogations in centres and detention camps".

    The Kenyan government sent a letter to Hague insisting that the UK government was legally liable for the atrocities. Die oberste Karte wird aufgedeckt danebengelegt und markiert den Spielbeginn.

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